© 2006, F.D. Chance. All rights reserved
When reading and evaluating the Summa Theologica[1]using the historical-critical methodology, it becomes readily apparent that the text for the Summa was written for that particular period of time to the people of that time based on their relevant preconceived ideas of God. From Augustine’s restless heart theory and his questions regarding what Athens had to offer Jerusalem from The City of God and Anselm’s ontological argument, we see some progressive innovations occurring. Plato’s (The Philosopher) metaphysics also play a great part in establishing Aquinas’ argument for the existence as his quotes and references to Plato are pervasive throughout the Summa Theologica. Aquinas was very much a literalist in his writings and interpretations.In using the historical-critical method of looking a piece, we must establish some criteria for evaluating the particular piece of literature we are analyzing. Five points exist in this methodology:
1. We must understand the nature and background of the author. 2. We must understand the environment (socio-political and religious society) of his time. 3. We must acknowledge the people to whom it is written and why it was written to those people.
4. We must understand the context of the writings. (Use of literary techniques) 5. We must understand the author’s intent to accomplish the four previous criteria.
By using these criteria, we can establish a deeper understanding of his philosophical viewpoints in relation to his culture and environment. Having established these evaluators, we can begin by looking at these five criteria in earnest before looking at my interpretation of Aquinas argument for the existence of God. My comments and philosophical conclusions will appear at the end of this piece, as will most of the references needed to substantiate my conclusions. Let us turn now to five criteria.
1. Thomas was reportedly born in 1227 but there is evidence of a 1225 birth. He died in at the monastery at Fossanova in 1274. This is, according to William Tyndale’s timeline, as the pre-Reformation period. Near the end of 1244, he was sent to Cologne, France to study under Albert Magnus. Albert Magnus taught and guided Aquinas until 1252. Two things are evident here that affected Aquinas throughout his life;i. His association with the polyhistor (??) during his development period influenced him greatly.
ii. This association also left Aquinas with a permanently imbued Aristotelian methodology for his works.
2. We can see that the societal, political and religious environment was strongly Dominican Roman Catholic. It should be mentioned that during the 1250’s and onward mendicant orders were beginning to rise and Aquinas encountered difficulty until moving to Rome at the behest of Pope Urban IV. Interestingly enough in The Oxford History of Christian Worship the following notes appear:
“Christ seemed to overwhelm all other themes in Christian piety. Christ’s wounds, particularly the effusion of his blood, became common themes in the art, poetry and music of late medieval Christianity. For example, the famed Eucharistic hymn Adoro te devote, attributed to St. Thomas Aquinas, speaks of Christ as the “Pious Pelican” (Pie pelicane Jesu Domine).[2]
“While Scholasticism generated a rational, Aristotelian paradigm of theology, popular culture continued to witness the production of crude Eucharistic “miracle stories” that prominently featured flesh and blood appearing in place of the consecrated elements. These crass legends usually involved the chastisement of some cynical Christian or unbelieving Jew, who, to his or her sorrow, witnessed the transformation of a Eucharistic host into a bloody mass of flesh.”[3]
3. To whom it was written and why it was written to them was the Roman Catholic grip and the rise of mendicant orders that were causing serious problems for the established church. As the above quotation indicates, alluding to this point, Aquinas was beginning to see a divergence in this period and his Aristotelian influence was showing through. Again, The Oxford History of Christian Worship comments on the Fourth Lantern Council;“Yet at the turn of the thirteenth century, when the Latin Church offered a dogmatic proclamation of what Roman Catholics must believe about the presence of Christ in the Eucharist, it employed this scholastic neologism. The Fourth Lantern Council (1215) employed the term to “settle” thorny theological debates about the mystery of ethereal presence and to counter the heterodox beliefs of the Cathars or Albigensians, who denied the validity of priestly ministry and any sort of real presence in the sacraments. The council declared:
“‘There is truly one universal Church of the faithful, outside of which no one can be saved; in this Church Jesus Christ is the priest and sacrifice, whose body and blood are truly contained in the sacrament of the altar under the appearance of bread and wine, with the blood transubstantiated into his Body and wine into his Blood by divine power.’ ”[4] [5]Very briefly, the context of his writings, as mentioned earlier, were strongly Aristotelian in nature and his presentations were well structured and his interpretations were literal in nature. He also possessed a touch of Augustinian philosophy when it came to faith, reason, and how each are discerned.
4. Aquinas’ writings took on many aspects depending upon whose philosophical standards you apply. I feel that the Summa Theologica belonged to the literary works that expose a dogmatic, apologetic, and ethical genre. I have no other reason to offer any other writing styles.5. Aquinas was a Church father, teacher, Dominican, and a Master Parisian. Looking at these identities, we can say that the compilation of the Summa Theologica was an intellectual effort to foster Church canons, albeit with an Anselm and Aristotelian twist. The Summa Theologica appeal was virtually universal in scope to the Church and to the developing Scholasticism of the pre-Reformation period.